On the implications and ramifications of the election of President Donald Trump to the global order
President Isaias underlined that policy forecasts and analysis must be predicated on the wider framework of global and geopolitical realities that have unfolded in the past three decades.
In this perspective, President Trump’s signature policy stance of MAGA (Make America Great Again) contains an implicit recognition that the US is not the dominant power – in terms of key economic, military, technological and influence/soft power parameters – as envisaged by the architects of a uni-polar world order whose hallmark was unassailable and overbearing US dominance in all the determinant parameters and manifestations of power.
US containment policies, primarily geared towards China due to its rising pre-eminence in the economic and technological domains and growing international influence as well as against Russia have not evidently achieved their pronounced objectives. It is doubtful now whether envisaged protectionist policies will reverse the trend.
The aspiration of the vast majority of the world’s peoples is for a new international order based on justice and that promotes fairness and the collective well-being of humanity; not architectures of confrontation under the rubric of bi-polarity or multi-polarity.
Within this broad framework, and as one cannot throw the dice to decipher, at this early stage, or map-out all the possible scenarios on how the policy of the Trump Administration will ultimately pan out, it would be inappropriate to make premature conclusions And while doing our homework, we must strive to foster constructive engagement with an open mind.
On the conflict in the Sudan
President Isaias underlined Sudan’s pivotal regional status as well as its historical ties with Eritrea that goes back to the period of the liberation struggle. Religious agendas coupled with external meddling precipitated cyclical crises in the country culminating in the spontaneous rebellion of 2019. While the solution to the conflict in the Sudan naturally rests with, and remains the sovereign prerogative of the Sudanese people, this cannot inhibit us from making modest contributions due to our historical ties and overarching policy of promoting a stable and safe neighborhood.
In this spirit, Eritrea had originally submitted its non-controversial and widely accepted proposal in mid-2022. The broad outlines of the proposal essentially envisaged entrusting the transition to the Sovereign Council – which had in fact earned the mandate if only by default – and which would act as a bridge to a Safe Path to ensure that the situation does not spin out of control. This would also preclude potentially dangerous rivalries among fractious traditional political parties and groups.
President Isaias further stressed that the war, which had no rationale in the first place and that has been fueled by external intervention, must come to an immediate end. External interventions and the proliferation of initiatives which essentially exacerbate the tragic situation must also come to an end. Efforts must be directed towards cultivating consensus in the region.
On the Tripartite Eritrea, Egypt and Somalia Summit
President Isaias alluded to the intensive distortion and disinformation campaigns peddled in mainstream and social media on the event by external powers/pundits bent on stoking conflict in the region. These did not emanate from genuine concern for Ethiopia. The scheme involved deliberately ignoring or glossing over the true and positive dimensions of the Tripartite Summit for cultivating consensus for enduring regional stability.
Eritrea’s core interests and attendant constant policies are predicated on fostering and pursuing an agenda of promoting stability, cooperation and complementarity in the wider Horn of Africa, Nile Basin and Red Sea neighbourhood. Eritrea has indeed no interest whatsoever to destabilize Ethiopia. Mutual consultations pursued at various levels among the countries of the wider neighborhood will dispel mistrust and create conducive climate for positive and fruitful interaction among the constituent parties.
On the situation in Ethiopia and divisions within TPLF leadership
President Isaias underlined that focus on isolated current episodes and trends outside the underlying political framework will not be fruitful.
The primary cause of the periodic tension and conflicts in Ethiopia as well as with its neighbours is the institutionalized policy of ethnic polarization enshrined in the constitution of 1994. This is a recipe for perpetual tension and cannot certainly promote nation-building. And if Ethiopia is not at peace with itself, it cannot contribute positively to regional stability, cooperation and complementarity.
The border war between Eritrea and Ethiopia in 1998 on a presumed dispute in Badme etc. was, in essence, a byproduct or fallout of this misguided policy. The sanctity of inherited boundaries in Africa is not indeed controversial. The other dimension is, of course, external meddling which, in the case of the border war, continued to compound the problem even after the matter was settled through final and binding arbitration.
The war that erupted after the installation of a new Federal Government with a pronounced policy of reform must also be seen within the same context. The TPLF rejected the reform agenda and opted for war which included attacking more than 70 targets in Eritrea with long-range rockets. Our pleas for them to refrain from unleashing this reckless war came to no avail.
And even after the Pretoria Agreement, we have seen a new round of conflicts in the Amhara Region. Without going into extensive details, we have no interest in digressing into acrimonious allegations. Our primary preoccupation has always been to prevent and avoid costly wars. In this spirit, we will not loose hope and we have to work for and foster stability, cooperation and complementarity in the region. Also because, these problems essentially emanate from and serve external agendas.
On Domestic Developmental Programmes
President Isaias elaborated in greater detail, GOE’s developmental priorities as well as blueprints and operational plans in the critical sectors of water infrastructure, energy, housing, road transport, and investment for 2025.
In water infrastructure, President Isaias described the extensive, nation-wide, water conservation programmes that have been implemented in the past years that include big dams with 330 million cubic meters as well as extensive network of smaller dams and water reservoirs. These were accompanied by rigorous re-afforestation programmes. Operational plans for 2025 and beyond include expansion of irrigation schemes.
In energy, GOE’s approach revolved around installation of thermal, solar, wind as well as geothermal hybrid systems.
Construction companies will be restructured for better implementation of new housing schemes.
Similarly, the Government will invest in procurement of buses which will serve, especially depraved areas, at subsidized prices.
The Government will also redouble its efforts to revitalize the manufacturing sector geared on value-addition.
In investment, the GOE will encourage private local investment and especially from the Diaspora, who may have better financial capabilities, not only in traditional hospitality sector but also in agriculture, manufacturing, mining, etc.
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Publish date : 2024-12-01 13:15:38